Showing posts with label mayawati. Show all posts
Showing posts with label mayawati. Show all posts

Wednesday, 26 May 2021

Book Review: Insightful Takeaways on Governance

 

METHOD IN THE MADNESS: Insights from my career as an insider-outsider-insider. Parameswaran Iyer. HarperCollins, 2021. Pp 245. Rs 499

When I started reading this book, India was reeling from the utter collapse of governance and administration in the wake of the second wave of the Covid pandemic. Questions were naturally being asked about bureaucratic competence as well as inflexibility, and the hoary generalist-versus-specialist debate had resurfaced. I hoped this book would give some answers. Fortunately it did.

The day after I finished it, the clip of a district magistrate physically assaulting a young man for violating the lockdown in Chhattisgarh had gone viral. That brought back memories of another district magistrate in Tripura, who was also caught on camera slapping people at a wedding for a similar offence. Obviously one started wondering about bureaucratic arrogance and whether something in the system either actively fosters it or simply fails to discourage it. Unfortunately, this book doesn’t yield any answers on this count.

But this is just an aside. It would be unfair to burden Method in the Madness with the expectations of readers revolving around incidents the author is not even remotely connected with. In any case it isn’t Parameswaran Iyer’s failing alone. From what I remember of the memoirs of other bureaucrats that I have read, no one touches upon this very real problem of high-handedness with the public. They dwell on, as does this book, their training at the Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration, being constrained by – and getting around – hidebound rules and budget constraints, navigating political undercurrents and corruption, the specialist-generalist debate. But this issue is glossed over. Maybe some future memoir will make up for this lack.

Iyer, who was in the Uttar Pradesh cadre of the IAS, became a household name because he was the face of the Swachh Bharat Mission, but he also has under his belt the success of the Swajal rural drinking water programme in the mid-nineties. And he also went back and forth between the government and the World Bank, specialising in the water and sanitation sector. So this book ends up offering wonderful insights on work cultures and problem solving approaches – not just in the government and World Bank but also in other countries he dealt with when working with the latter. It is a very readable account and Iyer peppers it with pithy management tips highlighted in boxes.

So what are the key takeaways from the book?

One, there is a case for specialisation after a point of time (Iyer feels it should be after 15 years of field experience), but specialists with a good grounding in administration/management can deliver better results. But the civil services system is not inclined to encourage specialisation. A year into the Swajal project, Iyer was offered a more attractive posting but he turned it down to his senior’s befuddlement. This was a case of him being offered something; he might well have been transferred summarily. Indeed, how can any developmental project succeed if the person helming it is to be transferred within a year? After his return from the World Bank, Iyer was posted in higher education despite his domain expertise and then to environment in less than a year. Such stories abound in the annals of civil service history.  

Related to this is the issue of lateral entry into the civil service – can domain experts with no knowledge of how the `system’ functions be effective? People like Mantosh Sondhi, Raja Ramanna, D.V. Kapur have proved they can but this may not always be the case. Iyer’s stint outside the government certainly helped him implement SBM with innovative methods, including getting young professionals to help district magistrates. But could he have, say, broken down silos without the benefit of knowing how the system works?

Two, it is important to get the political leadership on board. In 2002, Kerala was all set to launch a public-private-partnership for handwashing with soap (PPP-HWS) along with Unilever. But the state government scrapped it, despite the support of the senior bureaucracy, as it was seen as a “World Bank/capitalist (multinational soap company) ploy to undermine the socialist traditions of the state”. Years later, while helming SBM, Iyer met Akhilesh Yadav, then Uttar Pradesh chief minister, who promised all help to get two districts open defecation free. Nothing happened for months. Things changed, he writes, when Yogi Adityanath became chief minister.

And then there are chief ministers like    Mayawati who do not let political considerations override good economics and administrative practices. In the mid-nineties, Mayawati overruled opposition from her entire cabinet to a proposal to get rural communities to share the capital cost of the Swajal scheme. Women have to bear the burden of fetching water and a small contribution by the community to get piped water to villages is perfectly alright, she said. No wonder Iyer observes “political leadership is a golden ticket to implementing big ideas”.

An interesting tidbit: when touring China during his World Bank days, Iyer found that water was not supplied free; water utility managers had to collect a minimum percentage of the dues and even poorer households were willing to pay.

Three, any successful development programme requires community involvement. Iyer demonstrates this in the context of the Total Literacy Campaign during his years as district magistrate, Swajal as well as SBM. In the case of Swajal, community involvement reduced the project scheme cycle from 27 months to 18 months.

Four, the lack of enthusiasm among district level officials for a particular development programme is not always due to their apathy. In many cases, it is because of the sheer number of schemes they have to implement along with other responsibilities; they find it difficult to focus on any one.   

Iyer has edited a volume on the Swachh Bharat revolution, but the account in Method in the Madness is more suitable for the lay reader. It is a fascinating telling of the two daunting challenges of scale and speed, overcoming resistance within the bureaucracy, deciding between the carrot or stick approaches, involving the community, breaking social taboos, using whatever leverage was available, dealing with negative commentary in the media and much more.

This is a good read for anyone interested in how the government works and how it can work.

Friday, 1 May 2009

Mayawati and the Middle Class

I am getting a bit tired of all criticism of the idea of Mayawati as Prime Minister being attributed to urban English-speaking middle class snobbery and a class prejudice. I have seen several commentators take this line in recent months, the latest being Suryakant Waghmore in today's Indian Express.

I am quoting from his article (to which I have provided a link) only because I have it in front of me, but the points that he makes have been made by several others.

First he says "while the English speaking middle class largely opposes Mayawati because of her caste, they do not express this by hurling caste abuses. They try to respond (not react) through English politeness and thus create a new English speaking middle class caste-culture.

"This, surely, runs contrary to a truly liberal attitude that would have celebrated Mayawati's great success and recognised what she has done as a single Dalit woman without any family legacy, in a highly patriarchal and hostile environment."

Now this is patently ridiculous. I have a sneaking admiration for Mayawati for where she has taken the BSP. I am sure that she could not have done this if it were not for Kanshi Ram's patronage, but I concede that she could have wasted that patronage but did not. I fully agree with Waghmore that "Mayawati and BSP's growth represents the deepening of democracy in India."

But look beyond that. What else is Mayawati known for? Personal aggrandisement and corruption. Has she done anything for Dalits or for the state in each of her tenures? Or even the current tenure, when the BSP has a complete majority? Apart from building statues and monstrous memorials, that is? Waghmore comments on English speaking middle class obsession with her statues. But why shouldn't that be subject to criticism? Is that a measure of development of the state or the uplift of Dalits? When, in 2007, Mayawati came to power on the basis of a new social coalition, eschewing the upper caste hatred that had marked the BSP's politics till then, many expected that this would be a sobering influence on her and that she would behave in a more responsible way, focussing on administration and good governance. Two years on, can anyone testify that she has done that? She appeared to be making some right moves in the beginning, especially on the economic front. But she quickly backtracked. The counter argument is that the Mulayam Singh was equally bad. Sure, but the thought of Mulayam Singh as Prime Minister will also frighten a lot of people. Sure no government has ever done anything for Dalit uplift. But does that mean Mayawati should not be criticised for doing nothing for the group she claims to work for?

Arguments like Waghmore's precludes the possibility of the urban middle class reacting to issues like corruption and personal aggrandisement. Despite my cynicism about its apathy, I think this is an unfair charge. The middle class was quite accepting of a Dalit as president and now as Chief Justice of India. If it was reacting purely on the basis of prejudice, then there would have been equally sharp reactions to these appointments.

I am an English speaking urban middle class Iyengar Brahmin. I am petrified at the thought of Mayawati as Prime Minister. But I am equally petrified at the thought of J Jayalalitha (who is not a Dalit but an English speaking urban middle class Iyengar Brahmin) becoming Prime Minister. Because Jayalalitha's regimes have also been marked by rampant corruption and a highly personalised style of functioning. Just like Mayawati.

I am petrified at the thought of Lalu Yadav becoming Prime Minister. Not because he is a Yadav or because of his rustic ways, but because of the way he ruined Bihar. I am more comfortable with the idea of Nitish Kumar as Prime Minister, even though he is a Kurmi and though he is an engineer by education, he is not an English speaking urban middle class person. I am petrified of Ram Vilas Paswan becoming Prime Minister one day not because he is a Dalit but because of stories about his corrupt ways. But I am also petrified of Kamal Nath, an English-speaking urban middle class person, becoming Prime Minister (never mind that he probably doesn't have those ambitions) again because of his reputation for corruption.

Behind such insinuations of the kind Waghmore makes is the belief that Mayawati should not be opposed or criticised just because she is a Dalit. This is carrying the politics of victimhood a bit too far.