Why we should junk the idea for 33 percent women’s quota
The brutal gangrape of, and what has
turned out be fatal assault on, the young Delhi woman has given rise to a
welter of demands relating to women’s safety and sexual violence – capital
punishment for rapists, castration/chemical castration, emergency session of
Parliament to pass tougher laws, fast-track courts, to name just a few. Some of
these, like tougher laws and setting up of fast-track courts, are justified and
have been brushed under the carpet till now. Some are clearly an over-reaction.
Worryingly, the incident and the public outrage it evoked are being used to
push through ideas that should be junked.
One such idea is reservation of 33
percent seats in legislatures for women. The Hindu in a front page editorial on
30 December, titled No Turning Back Now, argued that “the Indian political
system would not have been so indifferent to the problem of sexual violence if
half or even one-third of all legislators were women”. The early passage of the
Women’s Reservation Bill, the editorial noted, could be “Parliament’s way of
honouring the death of the Unknown Citizen”. That same evening, the BJP’s Shaina NC
was also making much the same point on news television.
I am worried that an emotionally charged
atmosphere could well see the Bill being given the green signal by the Lok
Sabha (it was passed by the Rajya Sabha in 2010).
Some ardent advocates of the Bill say it
is flawed in its current form. I am not going into that. I am questioning the
very concept of reservation of seats for women in legislatures on two counts.
One, that there needs to be a law to get
more women into politics. Women have stormed male bastions in several
professions and carved a niche for themselves without the benefit of
gender-based reservations. In each, one generation of women has struggled and
made a space for itself, thereby creating room for the next generation to
struggle and make some more space. Sometimes this has been achieved with some
noise, but mostly it has been done silently, away from the headlines. Why
should women politicians have it easier?
Two, that getting more women into our
legislatures will result in more women-sensitive laws and policies.
Yes, there is clout in numbers but do
those who make up the numbers exercise the clout they have?
Is it the lack of a Women’s Reservation
Act that prevented women politicians cutting across party lines from coming
together and addressing the protestors at Raisina Hill, or promising the nation
that they will ensure the passage of tougher laws against sexual assault?
Have we forgotten that some extremely
insensitive statements about rape and rape victims have come from women –
Mamata Bannerjee, Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar and Rita Bahuguna Joshi (Joshi made a
comment about Mayawati similar to the one Anisur Rahman made about Mamata last
week)?
Who stood up to Rajiv Gandhi on the
Muslim Women’s Bill? One man – Arif Mohammed Khan. What were all the women
politicians in the Congress – many of them enjoying significant political clout
– doing? If they had all come together and lodged some form of protest, would
the party have gone ahead with the Bill?
The case for a Women’s Reservation Bill
is based on certain assumptions that are, to my mind, flawed.
One is that women will vote as a
homogenous mass. That is based on another flawed assumption – that women’s
issues are devoid of ideology. Women from the extreme left and the extreme
right of the political spectrum will have completely divergent views on the
role of women in society. One set will want laws that make divorce easier. The
other will say divorce should be made more difficult. How can these two
opposite views be reconciled into one Woman-Friendly or Gender-Sensitive stand?
The third assumption is that women will
act as women and not as members of a particular party (in cases where there is
no ideological divide). When a party issues a whip asking its members to vote
for a law that is detrimental to women, will the women MPs oppose the party
whip, which will invite disqualification?
Besides, has the performance of women in
Parliament given any hint of promise that they will do good by their gender, if
elected in larger numbers? Have they done the utmost that their less than 10
percent presence lets them do? As a journalist, I once researched a story on
the performance of women parliamentarians. The picture was not very
encouraging. PRS Legislative Research worked out some figures for the newspaper
I wrote for that showed that while attendance levels were more or less the
same, the participation of women Lok Sabha MPs in legislative and
non-legislative debates was less than men.
Women politicians have an answer to all
this. Party leaders don’t give women a chance to speak. The party leadership
doesn’t give tickets to women and that is why this Bill is needed.
I ask them and those who endorse their
views – if you can’t fight for yourselves within your respective parties, how
are you going to fight for all of us in state legislatures and Parliament?
Till they do that – fight for
their voices to be heard within their parties – nothing will change for women
regardless of the number of seats they occupy in our legislatures.
1 comment:
I am so glad you have taken this contrarian view on the Women's Reservation Bill -- contrarian as far as women who speak out on gender issues are concerned, that is. A quota for women in the legislature is intrinsically unjust, as indeed all jobs quota is. Besides, as you rightly point out, a 33 per cent reservation for women in Parliament will not necessarily translate into enlightened laws for women. The whole idea is flawed and mired in the same culture of tokenism and sops that's the hallmark of our political system. It is NOT politically incorrect to oppose women's reservation. It just makes better sense!
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